Jack Holland's Publications
The Obama Doctrine Legacy and Continuity in US Foreign Policy ([n.pub.], 2016) (Accepted),
Within this context, this volume also addresses the idea of legacy and whether Obama has succeeded in establishing his own distinct foreign policy doctrine.
Security A Critical Introduction (Palgrave Macmillan, 2014),
This major new text provides an accessible yet intellectually rigorous introduction to contemporary Security Studies.
Selling the War on Terror Foreign Policy Discourses After 9/11 ([n.pub.], 2014),
This book uses a comparative analysis to examine foreign policy discourses and the dynamics of the 'War on Terror'.
Obama's Foreign Policy Ending the War on Terror ([n.pub.], 2013),
This edited volume is an innovative analysis of President Barack Obama's foreign policy, security and counter-terrorism policy, specifically within the context of ending the now infamous War on Terror.
Selling the War on Terror Foreign Policy Discourses After 9/11 (Routledge, 2012),
This book uses a comparative analysis to examine foreign policy discourses and the dynamics of the 'War on Terror'.
‘Strategic Rhetorical Balancing and the Tactics of Justification in Afghanistan, Libya and Beyond’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 10.1 (2016), 3-24,
DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2015.1137391, Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/94966/
The Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding celebrates its tenth anniversary this year. This special volume opens up with a selection of nine of the most influential articles published in the journal. JISB's editorial team has asked the authors for their reflections on their original articles, telling us more about the writing process at that time, what they would do differently (with hindsight), or how they see their articles contributing to current debates on intervention and statebuilding. We have selected one article per volume, and we have ordered the contribution starting from volume 1 (2007) to volume 9 (2015). The articles will be made open access for the year, and we highly recommend (re-)reading the original articles along with the comments from the authors.
‘The Journal of intervention and statebuilding ten years on: Critical reflections and stimulating ideas on an evolving scholarship’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 10.1 (2016), 3-24,
© 2016 Taylor & Francis.The Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding celebrates its tenth anniversary this year. This special volume opens up with a selection of nine of the most influential articles published in the journal. JISB’s editorial team has asked the authors for their reflections on their original articles, telling us more about the writing process at that time, what they would do differently (with hindsight), or how they see their articles contributing to current debates on intervention and statebuilding. We have selected one article per volume, and we have ordered the contribution starting from volume 1 (2007) to volume 9 (2015). The articles will be made open access for the year, and we highly recommend (re-) reading the original articles along with the comments from the authors.
‘Visual Literacy in International Relations: Teaching Critical Evaluative Skills through Fictional Television’, International Studies Perspectives 2015,
This article explores how students experience fictional television as part of their broader learning experience. In particular, the article investigates the potential role of fictional television in the development of visual literacy and critical evaluative skills. The article reports the findings of an experiment into critical evaluative viewing, which measures the foreign policy beliefs of students after exposure to two contrasting episodes of NBC’s The West Wing. The results indicate that students are influenced by fictional television, but in perhaps unexpected ways. Although nuanced, the findings suggest that students demonstrate and develop critical evaluative skills—and visual literacy—in two different ways. First, students oppose the fictional/political message to which they are exposed. And, second, students reject the options that are presented to them in their totality. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for teaching critical evaluative skills and visual literacy.
‘Video Use and the Student Learning Experience in Politics and International Relations’, Politics, 34.3 (2014), 263-274,
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9256.12022, Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93326/
This article explores video use and the student learning experience in Politics and International Relations (IR). The study brings together and builds on two extant literatures – on deep learning and visual literacy – in order to explore how students make use of three types of video: lecture summaries, current affairs clips and fictional television. Questionnaire and focus group data generate a nuanced picture, with distinct implications for the learning experience. The article shows how different types of video can be linked to the development of different skills for different students.
‘Leadership and the media: Gendered framings of Julia Gillard's ‘sexism and misogyny’ speech’, Australian Journal of Political Science, 49.3 (2014), 455-468,
DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2014.929089, Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93331/
This article analyses Australian media portrayals of former Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard's ‘sexism and misogyny’ speech to parliament in October 2012. Our analysis reveals that coverage of the speech comprised three principal gendered framings: strategic attack, uncontrolled emotional outpouring and hypocrisy. We argue that these framings demonstrate the role the media plays as a gendered mediator, perpetuating the gender double bind that constrains female political leaders, as they negotiate the demand to demonstrate masculine leadership attributes without tarnishing the feminine qualities expected of them. In this instance, gendered media framings limited the saliency of Gillard's speech, curtailed calls for wider introspection on Australian political culture and further disassociated women from political leadership.
‘Affect is what states make of it: articulating everyday experiences of 9/11’, Critical Studies on Security, 2.3 (2014), 262-277,
DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2014.921454, Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93330/
This article considers the politics of affect and official discourses of ‘9/11’. Drawing on the work of William Connolly and others, it is argued that to understand the resonance of dominant constructions of ‘9/11’ it is necessary to revisit their successful incorporation of prevalent American affective experiences of September 11th. To date, this relationship between affect, resonance, and discourse has been underexplored in International Relations. Its investigation offers important empirical insights on resonance, as well as theoretical innovation in connecting established work on narrative and discourse with emerging work on bioculture and affect. To this end, the article introduces a framework for the future analysis of affect, culture and discourse within International Relations. The article concludes, however, that, notwithstanding its importance to resonance, in ‘crisis’ situations such as ‘9/11’, affect is what states make of it.
‘We [for]got him’: Remembering and Forgetting in the Narration of bin Laden’s Death’, Millennium, 42.2 (2014), 425-447,
DOI: 10.1177/0305829813516527, Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93327/
This article explores how the death of Osama bin Laden was narrated by the Obama administration between the night of his killing and the 2012 State of the Union address. Three aspects of this unfolding story, in particular, are explored: i) descriptions of the operation itself; ii) constructions of bin Laden’s life and character; iii) accounts of the significance and likely consequences of his killing. The article argues that the narration of these events was characterised, first, by considerable discursive continuity with the war on terrorism discourse of George W. Bush, and, second, by a gradual removal or ‘forgetting’ of bin Laden and the circumstances of his death. Each of these dynamics, we argue, contributed to the legitimisation of his killing, demonstrating the importance of narrative remembrance and forgetting alike for the conduct and justification of liberal violence.
‘Dominance through Coercion: Strategic Rhetorical Balancing and the Tactics of Justification in Afghanistan and Libya’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 8.1 (2014), 1-20,
DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2013.856126, Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93329/
This article analyses British and American justifications for military intervention in the decade following 9/11. Taking Afghanistan in 2001 and Libya in 2011 as the main case studies, the article explores the ways in which political elites attempt to achieve policy dominance through rhetorical coercion, whereby potential opponents are left unable to formulate a socially sustainable rebuttal. Specifically, in these case studies, the article explores the use of strategic rhetorical balancing, whereby secondary rationales for intervention are emphasized as part of a tactic of justification designed to secure doubters' acquiescence by narrowing the discursive space in which an alternative counter-narrative could be successfully and sustainably formulated.
‘Night fell on a different world”: experiencing, constructing and remembering 9/11’, Critical Studies on Terrorism, 7.2 (2014), 187-204,
DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2014.886396, Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93328/
This article explores the endurance of the pervasive framing of “9/11” as a moment of temporal rupture within the United States. It argues that this has persisted despite the existence of plausible competitor narratives for two reasons: first, because it resonated with public experiences of the events predating this construction’s discursive sedimentation and; second, because of its vigorous defence by successive US administrations. In making these arguments this article seeks to extend relevant contemporary research in three ways: first, by reflecting on new empirical material drawn from the Library of Congress Witness and Response Collection, thus offering additional insight into public understandings of 11 September 2011 in the immediacy of the events; second, by drawing on insights from social memory studies to explore the persistence of specific constructions of 9/11 and; third, by outlining the importance of categories of experience and endurance for constructivist international relations more broadly.
This article explores the relationship between foreign policy and political possibility in two parts. First, the relationship between foreign policy and political possibility is theorized around three analytical moments: political possibility is linked to the framing of conceivable, communicable and coercive foreign policy. Second, this framework is developed and demonstrated through a brief analysis of Coalition foreign policy in the War on Terror, considering American, British and Australian foreign policy between 2001 and 2003. This analysis dissects distinct and divergent Coalition foreign policies through a linked three-part conceptualization of political possibility. It enables an understanding of how the War on Terror was rendered possible through the construction of foreign policy in thinkable, resonant and ultimately dominant terms. The article concludes by looking to the wider analytical applicability of this particular theorization of the relationship between foreign policy and political possibility.
‘Blair's War on Terror: Selling Intervention to Middle England’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 14.1 (2012), 74-95,
In December 2009 Tony Blair indicated that he would have pursued a policy of intervention in Iraq regardless of Saddam Hussein's possession of weapons of mass destruction. In this situation he would merely have had to employ alternative arguments. Such a statement should come as little surprise. Blair's language throughout his prime ministership was highly strategic; it was framed to achieve support from his primary target audience, ‘Middle England’. Two key tropes—rationality and leadership—were repeatedly deployed in order to sell Blair's wars to the British public. This article demonstrates how Blair's strategically framed language was politically enabling in three analytical moments, helping to craft a conceivable, coercive and communicable British foreign policy discourse.
‘When You Think of the Taliban, Think of the Nazis’: Teaching Americans ‘9/11’ in NBC’s The West Wing’, Millennium, 40.1 (2011), 85-106,
‘Shocked and Awed: How The War on Terror and Jihad Have Changed the English Language, by Fred Halliday’, Critical Studies on Terrorism, 4.2 (2011), 293-295,
‘Howard's War on Terror: A Conceivable, Communicable and Coercive Foreign Policy Discourse’, Australian Journal of Political Science, 45.4 (2010), 643-661,
‘From September 11th 2001 to 9-11: From Void to Crisis’, International Political Sociology, 3.3 (2009), 275-292,
‘Obama as Modern Jeffersonian’, in The Obama Doctrine: A Legacy of Continuity in US Foreign Policy?, ed. by Bentley M and Holland J, Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy (New York, USA: Routledge, 2016), 40-53,
Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/95843/
President Obama’s first term in office was subject to intense criticism; not only did many feel that he had failed to live up to his leadership potential, but that he had actually continued the foreign policy framework of the George W. Bush era he was supposed to have abandoned. This edited volume examines whether these issues of continuity have been equally as prevalent during the president’s second term as his first.
‘Constructing Crises and Articulating Affect after 9/11’, in Emotions, Politics and War ([n.pub.], 2015),
‘The elusive essence of evil: constructing Otherness in the coalition of the willing’, in Arguing Counterterrorism: New Perspectives, ed. by Pisoiu D, Routledge Critical Terrorism Studies (Abingdon / New York: Routledge, 2014), 201-220,
Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93317/
This chapter considers the construction of the terrorist Other, in relation to the fractured Self of the Coalition of the Willing. Despite mutual appeals to the essential evil-ness of enemies during the War on Terror, analyzing the discursive construction of threat and Otherness reveals that divergent understandings of Self-identity inevitably impacted upon a heterogeneous construction of Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda and Mullah Omar’s Taliban, as well as Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath Party. In making this argument the chapter analyzes speeches from political leaders in the United States, Britain and Australia shortly after the events of September 11th, 2001.
‘Conceptualising Change and Continuity in US Foreign Policy’, in Obama’s Foreign Policy: Ending the War on Terror, ed. by Bentley M and Holland J, Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2013), 192-201,
Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/95845/
‘Why is change so hard? Continuity in American foreign policy from Bush to Obama’, in Obama’s Foreign Policy: Ending the War on Terror, ed. by Bentley M and Holland J, Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2013), 1-16,
Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/95846/
‘Screening Terror on the West Wing’, in Screens of Terror: Representations of War and Terrorism in Film and Television since 9/11, ed. by Hammond P ([n.pub.], 2011),
‘Australian identity, interventionism and the war on terror’, in International Terrorism Post-9/11: Comparative Dynamics and Responses ([n.pub.], 2010), 184-206,